Taming the Waterways: The Europeanization of Southern Québec’s
Riverside Landscapes during the 16th–18th Centuries
Gary King1,* and Thomas Muller2
1Department of Archaeology, Durham University, South Road, Durham DH1 3LE, UK. 2School of Geographical and Earth Sciences, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 8QQ, UK. *Corresponding author.
Journal of the North Atlantic, No. 34 (2018)
Abstract
The arrival of Europeans in the New World effected the interaction of 2 temperate biogeographical eco-zones: the Palaearctic and Nearctic. Alfred Crosby has hypothesized that the success of the Europeans as imperialists was due, in part, to the ability of their introduced biota to bring about the collapse of the indigenous populations and local ecosystems, leading to the formation of Neo-European eco-spaces. Through a comparison of paleontological and environmental archaeological data from southern Québec, Canada, we examined Crosby’s ecological imperialism model and assessed the biological impact of colonialism on the physical landscape during the 16th to early 18th centuries. The Intendant’s Palace site in Québec City is employed as a case study and diachronically contextualized with data from contemporaneous sites in the region. The Europeanization of the landscape as a result of settlement construction, subsistence, and commodification was evidenced through signs of deforestation as well as the arrival of socioeconomic taxa. The biological transfer of European species did not appear to herald the collapse of local ecosystems but rather the establishment of an ecological melting pot along the early colonial waterways of southern Québec.
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Taming the Waterways: The Europeanization of Southern Québec’s
Riverside Landscapes during the 16th–18th Centuries
Gary King1,* and Thomas Muller2
Abstract - The arrival of Europeans in the New World effected the interaction of 2 temperate biogeographical eco-zones:
the Palaearctic and Nearctic. Alfred Crosby has hypothesized that the success of the Europeans as imperialists was due,
in part, to the ability of their introduced biota to bring about the collapse of the indigenous populations and local ecosystems,
leading to the formation of Neo-European eco-spaces. Through a comparison of paleontological and environmental
archaeological data from southern Québec, Canada, we examined Crosby’s ecological imperialism model and assessed the
biological impact of colonialism on the physical landscape during the 16th to early 18th centuries. The Intendant’s Palace site
in Québec City is employed as a case study and diachronically contextualized with data from contemporaneous sites in the
region. The Europeanization of the landscape as a result of settlement construction, subsistence, and commodification was
evidenced through signs of deforestation as well as the arrival of socioeconomic taxa. The biological transfer of European
species did not appear to herald the collapse of local ecosystems but rather the establishment of an ecological melting pot
along the early colonial waterways of southern Québec.
1Department of Archaeology, Durham University, South Road, Durham DH1 3LE, UK. 2School of Geographical and Earth
Sciences, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 8QQ, UK. *Corresponding author - gking500@googlemail.com.
Introduction
Jan. 29, 1856 ... It is observable that not only the
moose and the wolf disappear before the civilised
man, but even many species of insects, such as the
black fly and the almost microscopic “no-see-em”.
How imperfect a notion have we commonly of
what was the actual condition of the place where
we dwell, three centuries ago! Henry David Thoreau
(Blake 1887:286–287).
Millions of years ago, continental drift drove the
Old World and New World apart, separating Eurasia
and Africa from the Americas. Over time, this geographic
isolation fostered divergent evolution and
biodiversification, which has led biogeographers to
recognize the areas as distinctly separate biological
sub-regions that are characterized by unique, indigenous
flora and fauna. When the European explorers
arrived in the New World, the geographic isolation
between the eco-zones was disrupted. Prior to the
European arrival, Old World crops, e.g., Triticum
sp. (wheat), Hordeum vulgare (Barley), Oryza (rice),
and Brassica rapa ssp. rapa (Turnip), were unknown
in the Americas. Similarly, the Europeans were
unfamiliar with New World crops such as Solanum
tuberosum (White Potato), Ipomoea batatas (Sweet
potato), and Zea mays (Maize) (see Appendix 1).
Thoreau’s remarks portray the perceived, dramatic
environmental impact that the arrival of the European
settlers had upon the North American flora and
fauna after only a few centuries.
Organisms may spread naturally between areas
through dispersal pathways that are biologically
classified into corridor, filter, and sweepstakes
routes (Cox and Moore 2000). In the corridor route,
the pathway presents a variety of suitable habitats
throughout, with the areas at the 2 ends possessing
an almost identical biota. The majority of organisms
are able to disperse between the 2 end areas with
little difficulty. The filter pathway comprises a more
limited range of habitats, so that only organisms that
can exist in those habitats can disperse between the
interconnecting regions. In the third type of dispersal
pathway, the end regions are islands surrounded
by a sea (sometimes literally) of unsuitable habitat.
Elton (1958) introduced the concept of man as an
impetus for the passive, artificial distribution of
animals and plants beyond the prescribed boundaries
of their original geographic range. Alfred Crosby
(1972) coined the term “Columbian Exchange” to
describe the widespread ecological transfer of organisms
between the Old World and New World that
was initiated by European contact with the Americas
in the 15th century.
In his later work, Crosby (2004) expanded his
initial position and argued that Europeans were
successful imperialists because wherever they went
their agriculture and domesticated animals thrived
and the indigenous populations and local ecosystems
collapsed. He referred to the areas of successful
European settlement as Neo-Europes and posited
that Europe and the Neo-Europes shared ecological
similarities—having similar climates and being
located completely or, at least, two-thirds within the
temperate zones of the northern and southern latitudes.
The ecological commonality between the regions
is significant because the domesticated plants
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G. King and T. Muller
2
(Appendix 1) and animals (Appendix 2) upon which
the Europeans relied typically needed a warm–cool
climate with an annual precipitation of 50 to 150 cm
in order to flourish (Crosby 2004).
Although ecological similarities may have accommodated
the arriving biota’s biological needs
and facilitated its success upon initial establishment,
dense populations of indigenous organisms were already
present in the natural environment and would
have greeted the European species with competition
unless they were otherwise displaced. In order to
successfully colonize the New World, the European
species would have needed to be suited to survival
in specific environments as well as to exhibit characteristics
enabling them to out-compete the native
biota. Otherwise the species would have died out or,
through an inability to self-disperse, had their populations
restricted to specific regions.
The successful colonization of new habitats by
foreign biota is believed to call for the establishment
of viable, self-sustaining populations by the
initial or early introductions (Sakai et al. 2001). The
habitat type (e.g., complex and established natural
community [cf. Elton 1927] and human-disturbed
habitat [cf. Horvitz et al. 1998]) plays a vital role in
determining the characteristics essential for population
establishment. Sakai et al. (2001) proposed that
successful invasive species will exhibit high fecundity
rates as well as competitiveness.
When confronted with an established natural
community where breeding sites are already utilized,
food resources are already being eaten, and
shelters are currently occupied by other species,
the advantage of an organism being able to quickly
produce large numbers of offspring and out-compete
competitors is apparent. In order to survive, the nonnative
organism must establish itself in a niche, often
through the displacement of 1 or more organisms
by means of interspecific competition (King 2010a).
However, adventitious species are not always
faced with resistance from a well-established endemic
biota. In areas that have been modified or
destroyed by human influence or natural disasters,
niches may be vacant. The modification or destruction
of an area may temporarily empty previously
occupied niches by displacing or extirpating the
organisms that formerly resided in them. Furthermore,
major alterations to an environment may also
result in the indigenous organisms being no longer
suitably adapted to the location. Where competition
for resources and space is minimal, the only conflicts
with which a foreign species are confronted concern
the ecological constraints inherent to that species.
Biogeographical accounts of the modern North
American flora and fauna reveal a number of species
identifiable as originating from the Old World (Palaearctic).
In addition to the myriad of purposefully
imported organisms such as domesticated plants and
animals, all of which had some important socioeconomic
significance, a number of alien species were
unwittingly introduced during colonization. Prominent
among these are the majority of the at least
1683 immigrant arthropod species in the continental
United States, 66% of which originated from the
western Palaearctic (Sailer 1983). In Newfoundland
alone, Carl Lindroth (1957) estimated 23% of the
flora and 14% of the ground beetles to be of European
origin. According to Crosby (2004), this presence
of western Palaearctic flora and fauna in North
America, reflects the inherent Europeanization of
the landscape.
In order to formulate their hypotheses, both Crosby
(2004) and Lindroth (1957) analyzed modern environments
and historical documents. In this paper,
we examine paleontological and archaeological data
to evaluate the impact of European settlement to
southern Québec, Canada, on the indigenous animal
and plant biota and to assess the extent by which
the settlers constructed archaeologically identifiable
European eco-spaces along Quebec’s waterways. We
propose that the observable biological changes are a
result of a larger settlement package reflecting the
cultural needs and identity of colonists arriving in
New France.
The early colonists were primarily agriculturalists
dependent on their imported flora and fauna,
which were transported during colonization and
reinforced later through trade or subsistence. If the
forests had not already been cleared or partly cleared
through natural means or artificially by the native
populations, the Europeans’ primarily agricultural
lifestyle would have demanded a physical transformation
of the landscape in order to accommodate
growing crops and grazing herds. In New Zealand,
the environmental impact of settlement resulted in
biotic extirpation, deforestation, sedimentation, and
changes to erosion rates (Martin 1984, McGlone
1983, McGlone and Wilmshurst 1999). Is the initial
physical transformation of Québec’s existing
natural landscape by the colonists therefore seceded
by an ecological shift in the endemic biota? Did
it secure the invasion of the foreign synanthropic
and disturbed-land species, heralding an ecological
transformation and the formation of a Neo-European
landscape (sensu Crosby 2004)?
This paper presents a new contribution to our
understanding of Québec’s colonization, relating a
story of landscape anthropogenesis and biological
transfer in an effort to discern the role of human
activities in shaping the colonial landscape and their
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G. King and T. Muller
impact on the indigenous flora and fauna. It will
bring together a range of published and unpublished
sources and address issues pertaining to the mechanisms
and pathways for the initial colonization of
non-human biota. Furthermore, it will demonstrate
that the biological transfers were influenced not only
by ecological similarities between Europe and the
Neo-Europes, but also by socioeconomic conditions
made opportune by the colonists.
Methodology
If ecology often seems like a jigsaw puzzle in fog
with all the pieces at least potentially recoverable,
palaeoecology resembles a similar game with most
parts irretrievably lost and bedevilled by Time’s
constant changing of the picture thereon (Buckland
et al. 1981:381).
Preserved biological remains, such as insects,
from archaeological sites have been effectively
employed as bioindicators of palaeoecosystems and
archaeological reconstructions due to their ecological
diversity, their tendency to be often ignored or
perceived as unimportant to humans, and their sensitivity
and rapid reaction to environmental change
(Bain and Prévost 2010; Buckland 2005; Coope
1977, 2000; Elias 1994; Kenward 1979, 1999; King
et al. 2010; Prévost and Bain 2007; Robinson 1983,
2001). The study of palaeoecological materials,
therefore, has huge potential to stand as evidence of
past human activities (Huchet and Greenberg 2010;
Kenward 1999; King 2012, 2013, 2014a, 2016; King
et al. 2014; Ponel et al. 2000; Sadler 1991), living
conditions (Bain 1997, 1998, 2004; Buckland et al.
1996; Kenward and Hall 1996; King and Hall 2008;
King and Henderson 2014; McGovern 1991), diet
(Bain 1998, 2001; Buckland 1982; Kenward and
Hall 1996; King 2010a, 2014b), and climate and
ecology (Ashworth et al. 1997; Bain and Prévost
2010; Coope 1973, 1977; Elias 1994; Hall et al.
2007; King 2010a). Thus, environmental remains
may play a crucial yet neglected role in archaeology—
in our investigations of the human, and wider
ecological and climatic, past.
In the present study, multiple biological mediums
were analyzed in an effort to construct a time–
depth perspective of human-induced environmental
change within the southern region of Québec. The
investigation comprised a survey of both published
and unpublished regional datasets from selected pre-
Columbian and colonial era sites of both paleontological
and archaeological nature. We compared new
data from the Intendant’s Palace in Québec City to
concurrent sites in Montréal and Québec City, QC,
and employed palaeoecological and biogeographical
methodologies to reconstruct past environmental
conditions and to assess changes in species’ distributions
over time.
Setting the stage: A brief overview
Late glacial and post-glacial ecology, Québec.
Circa 18,000 years ago, the present-day region of
Québec was coated in a glacier believed to be over 1
km thick. The last glaciation, the Wisconsin, ended
~10,000 years ago. During this era, ice sheets extended
across most of Canada, New England, the
Upper Midwest, and parts of Montana and Washington,
with a resulting tabula rasa for most of the biota.
Most of the species which lived in the region during
the previous interglacial and subsequent interstadials
migrated southward as the glaciers advanced.
As the ice sheets retreated during the Late Glacial,
the biota started re-colonizing the re-exposed land.
Approximately 12,000 years ago, the shores of
the Gaspé Peninsula, the Lower St. Lawrence, and
sections of the Lower North Shore were free of ice
(Fulton and Andrews 1987). Freed from ice, the
lowlands of the St. Lawrence River Valley became
flooded with marine waters, forming the Champlain
Sea (Miller 2010) and the Goldthwait Sea. Between
11,000 and 10,000 years ago, sites in Saint-Eugène
and Saint-Hilaire, QC, were located near large bodies
of glacial meltwater (Elias et al. 1996), which
would have influenced the maximum temperatures
within the region (Ashworth 1977, Morgan 1987,
Mott et al. 1981). However, Elias et al. (1996) demonstrated
a warming trend at these sites from 11,000
to 10,000 years ago. In the Québec City area, the glacier
subsisted longer and formed an ice barrier which
prevented the marine water of the Goldthwait Sea
from mixing with the fresh water of Lake Vermont,
a substantial-sized body of water that linked Lake
Champlain with Lake Ontario (Denton and Pintal
2002). Circa 11,000 BP, the ice sheets began to retreat
from the northern shore of the St. Lawrence.
Dyke and Prest (1987) indicated that by 10,000
years ago, the ice sheets had retreated well to the
north of this region of Québec, and, that the last
glacial episode appears to have ended in the province
by ca. 6500 years ago. Between 9000 and
5000 years ago, the postglacial Great Lakes and
other lakes in the St. Lawrence River Valley began
to drain through the region and into the Goldthwait
Sea (Miller 2010), and ca. 6000 years ago the Goldthwait
Sea was beginning to recede. During this
period of deglaciation, arctic and alpine plant species
were rapidly replaced by boreal and temperate
flora (cf. Colpron-Tremblay and Lavoie 2010) and
fauna (Elias 1994). In the Boniface River watershed,
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
4
deglaciation and marine regression occurred slightly
later, which resulted in the establishment of vegetation
cover by ca. 6000 BP (Gajewski et al. 1993,
Lauriol 1982). It has been generally accepted that
by the late Holocene, the stability of the climate
encouraged a consistency in faunal presence, at
least for beetles (cf. Elias 1996, Elias et al. 1996).
However, the composition of the biota locally in
southern Québec was more fluid because the region
was subject to periodic outbreaks of fire (cf.
Colpron-Tremblay and Lavoie 2010, Lavoie 2001)
and epidemics of Choristoneura fumiferana Clem.
(Spruce Budworm) (Simard et al. 2006).
Pre-Columbian occupant. Humans were already
occupying a large part of the North American continent
while thick ice sheets still covered Québec in
its entirety. Archaeologists who study northeastern
North America typically categorize the Amerindian
occupation into 4 periods: Paleoindian, Archaic,
Woodland, and Historic. These periods are primarily
delineated on the basis of material culture characteristics
and socioeconomic activities relating to mobility
patterns, settlement, and subsistence.
While Québec was still partly covered in glaciers
(ca. 12,000–10,000 BP), evidence indicates an
Early Paleoindian presence. Although Clovis sites
had been discovered in Ontario and New England,
it was not until 2003 that the first Québec Early
Paleoindian site was found near Lake Megantic
(Chapdelaine 2004a). A handful of Late Paleoindian
(ca. 10,000–8000 BP) sites have also been identified.
The Gaspé and Lower St. Lawrence regions have
proven particularly rich in Late Paleoindian sites,
including Saint-Anne-Des-Monts, La Martre, Mitis,
Bic, Squatec, Saint-Romuald, and Rimouski (Benmouyal
1987, Chalifoux 1999, Chalifoux and Burke
1995, Chapdelaine and Bourget 1992, Dumais 2000,
Dumais et al. 1993, Laliberté 1992).
During the Archaic period (8000–3000 BP),
Amerindians were seemingly able to explore and
occupy increasingly larger portions of Québec following
the glacial melts and afforestation. The regions
surrounding Lake Mistassini, e.g., the Abitibi
and the Saguenay, were occupied. In Québec City,
evidence for Archaic period human activity has been
recovered from beneath Place-Royale (Chapdelaine
2012). Archaic era discoveries were also unearthed
on the sites of the Hazeur House and Rue Sous-le-
Fort (Chrétien 1995).
The emergence of the Woodland period (3000
BP to European contact) is distinguishable from
the Archaic primarily through the appearance of
pottery; however, the bow and arrow were also
adopted. Habitation sites containing corded pottery
and chipped-stone tool kits have been discovered at
Batiscan and Lambert sites along the St. Lawrence
near Trois-Rivières (Levesque et al. 1964) as well
as Québec City (Chrétien 1992). Circa 800 AD, Iroquoians
began practicing sophisticated agricultural
methods, which had become quite advanced by the
14th century. The adoption of small-scale farming appears
to have spread gradually eastward. In Québec
City, the earliest evidence for the domestication of
crops, i.e., corn, dates to the 13th century at Place-
Royale and Cap Tourmente, and even then, a marine
hunting economy seemingly prevailed (cf. Chapdelaine
2004b). In 2006, a hearth and stone-flakes
were uncovered at the site of the Intendant’s Palace
in Québec City, which may support the presence of
indigenous populations around 1300 AD (Bain et al.
2009).
European contact. European explorers, whalers,
and fishermen were visiting the northeast region of
North America as early as the 11th century. Both the
Saga of Erik the Red (Sephton 1880) and the Saga of
the Greenlanders (Thordarson nd.) make reference
to Norse exploration and settlement to the south and
west of Greenland. Archaeological evidence from a
Norse site in Newfoundland, L’Anse aux Meadows,
indicates occupation of the region around 1000 AD
(Brown 2007). Moreover, as early as the 15th century,
Basques fished Newfoundland’s Grand Banks.
The Basques ventured up the St. Lawrence River and
used the Île aux Basques as a whaling station from
the late 16th to the early 17th century (Turgeon 1998).
Jacques Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence River
in 1535 and documented encounters with the Iroquois
villages Stadacona, near present-day Québec
City, and Hochelaga, near present-day Montréal
(Cartier 1906a, Stephens 1890). In 1541, Cartier
attempted to establish a colony at Charlesbourg-
Royal, near present-day Cap-Rouge. By late May
1542, Cartier’s colonists were replaced by new crew
members under the command of Sieur de Roberval.
However, Roberval abandoned the site in late 1543
(Cartier 1906b, Stephens 1890). François Gravé Du
Pont and Pierre de Chauvin de Tonnetuit founded a
settlement/trading post, Tadoussac, at the mouth of
the St. Lawrence River in Québec. In 1608, Samuel
de Champlain established a settlement at modernday
Québec City (Champlain 1878). The present
paper focuses on a case-study review of archaeological
samples collected at the Intendant’s Palace site
in Québec City (CeEt-30). Comparisons are made
with other sites in southern Québec, particularly Îlot
Hunt in Lower Town Québec City (CeEt-100) (the
plot was originally granted to Charles Aubert de las
Chesnaye in 1687; L’Anglais 1998) and Pointe-àJournal
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G. King and T. Muller
Callière in Montréal (BjFj-10) (from contexts dating
to the year of settlement, 1642; King 2010b).
Case study: Intendant’s Palace site, Québec City
The Intendant’s Palace site or the îlot des Palais
is located in the Lower Town area, on a section of
land between the Cap-aux-Diamants cliff and the
original channel of the St. Charles River (Fig. 1).
It is bordered by the streets Saint-Vallier and Saint-
Nicolas as well as the Rue des Prairies. Originally,
the widow of Guillaume Couillard was the first
colonist to claim the piece of land. Following that,
the site was bought and utilized by Intendant Jean
Talon for his economic ventures: ship-building
(1665–1671), beer brewing (1668–1675), and potash
production (1670) (cf. Auger et al. 2009, Fortin
1989). Initially located near the brewery, the potash
works expanded into a larger building between 1685
and 1688 (Bain et al. 2009). The potash, used in the
manufacturing of glass and soap, was exported to
Europe and helped the settlers earn revenue through
the sale of tree stumps (as the potash process called
for the leaching of wood ash; Vachon 1979).
The brewery was closed in 1675, leaving the
large building vacant. In 1684, the Intendant Desmeules
took up residence in the building, henceforth
known as the Intendant’s Palace. The former brewery
served as the official residence for New France’s
Intendant and accommodated the storehouse for the
King’s Stores as well as a 4-celled prison (Auger
et al. 2009). The Palace Complex included formal
gardens and potentially an enclosed boat basin.
Providing access to the river, this basin would have
facilitated the transfer of goods to the King’s Store
from ships coming up the Saint-Charles River (Auger
et al. 2009). The First Intendant’s Palace caught
fire on 5 January 1713, and construction on the Second
Intendant’s Palace began to the northeast 3 years
later (Bain et al. 2009). Following the construction
of the new palace, the original palace continued to
house the King’s Stores and a bakery. Stables and
other buildings were incorporated into the Palace
Complex, and a formal garden was established (Bain
et al. 2009). In 1723, two 3-storey latrines were
constructed at both ends of the palace (Auger et al.
2009). The King’s Stores were destroyed during the
British Conquest in 1759, and the palace was destroyed
during the American invasion in 1775 (Auger
et al. 2009). The use of the former King’s Stores
site is uncertain between 1760 and 1852. However,
Figure 1. The Intendant’s Palace site (CeEt-30).
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
6
from 1852 to 1971, it housed the Boswell Brewery
(Auger et al. 2009).
Sample processing
Our assessment focused on the processing of
sediment samples which were in storage at the
Université Laval, Québec City. The samples were
collected in bulk, as part of the Université Laval’s
field school, using trowels, and were not screened
or processed in the field, ensuring that the soil remained
intact in small blocks for laboratory-based
assessment. The samples selected for the present
analysis represent material collected since the year
2000 (see below for details pertaining to particular
samples). The procedures for laboratory analysis
followed those prescribed for the retrieval of insect
remains (Kenward et al. 1980, 1986). Although the
investigation was designed to retrieve several kinds
of environmental material, the procedures for each
proxy primarily differed on the basis of sieve mesh
aperture. The recovery of insect remains required the
smallest sieve mesh as well as the inclusion of an
additional step, kerosene flotation.
The procedure for the recovery of insect remains
has undergone several amendments over the past 60
years, which has resulted in the establishment of a
fairly standardized technique. While the method is
not without problems (cf. Kenward 1974; Rousseau
2009, 2011), it has proven cost-effective and timeefficient.
In accordance with the standardized methodology,
we weighed the sediment samples and measured
their volume prior to processing. The samples
were then placed in large, clean buckets or wash
tubs. We added warm water to the buckets to promote
and facilitate sample dilution. Depending on
the compactness of the samples, some were covered
and left to soak for up to a week. When soaking was
required, sodium carbonate (50–100 g) was added
to assist with disaggregation. Once the samples had
separated, we washed them repeatedly over a 250-μ
geological sieve until all visible soil had been removed.
The retained residue from each sample was
allowed to drip-dry for 30 minutes then transferred
from the sieve to a clean bucket. The samples were
not allowed to dry completely and remained slightly
damp. An equal volume of kerosene was added to
the buckets and massaged into the samples for ~1
minute. Afterward, we decanted any excess kerosene
and filled the buckets with cold water to within
5 cm of the top. The water was used to moderately
agitate the samples in order to ensure that particles
did not remain trapped under or between others. The
samples were then left to settle for 10 to 30 minutes.
During this stage, insect remains and some other
organics floated and remained on the surface at the
water-kerosene interface. We carefully poured the
water-kerosene solution over a 250-μ geological
sieve. This retained material is referred to as the
light fraction. Water was then re-added to the buckets
containing the remainder of the samples, and
the process was repeated twice to ensure maximum
recovery of insect fragments. After retrieving 3 flots,
we washed the light fractions in dish detergent to
remove any remaining kerosene. Once the water had
drained, the light fractions were transferred into jars
and stored in methyl-alcohol. The samples remaining
in the buckets, the heavy fraction, were washed
with dish detergent and allowed to air dry (cf. Bain
2001; Rousseau 2009). We evaluated the light fractions
using a low-power binocular microscope and
stored the remains in vials containing methyl alcohol.
To assist in the recovery of other environmental
mediums such as plant macrofossils and vertebrate
microfossils, we poured the dried heavy fractions
through a tiered stack containing 1-mm, 0.5-mm,
and 250-μ geological sieves. We then sorted through
the individual sieves for environmental remains
using a magnifying glass and stored the recovered
remains in vials.
We identified the insect remains through comparative
analysis with modern-day species in collections
at the Réné Martineau Insectarium at the
Canadian Forestry Services Centre in Québec City,
Canada, as well as the Florida State Collection of
Arthropods, Florida Department of Agriculture
and Consumer Services, Gainesville, FL, USA.
Taxonomy and nomenclature for the coleopteran
(beetle) remains follows Arnett and Thomas (2000)
and Arnett et al. (2002). The identification of plant
macrofossils, molluscs, and vertebrate microfossils
relied on comparative analysis with modern
specimens located in the reference collections of the
Environmental Archaeology and Zooarchaeology
laboratories, respectively, at the Université Laval.
Additional assessments were carried out using
modern reference collections housed at the Environmental
Archaeology facilities at the University
of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA. Taxonomy and
nomenclature for the plant macrofossils corresponds
with Marie-Victorin (2002).
Palaeoecological approach
In studying the past, palaeoecologists have typically
relied on the analysis of modern species to produce
analogous ecological data on particular species
and species groups, and to be used as controls to
be contrasted with the fossil species associations.
Journal of the North Atlantic
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G. King and T. Muller
Through comparison with modern analogs, researchers
are able to ascertain information about
ecological components, species associations, and
behavioral characteristics of various species and
apply that knowledge to the fossil remains. In the
present study, we drew upon the ecological data of
modern species in order to reconstruct a portrait of
environmental conditions in the past.
We assigned the identified paleontological and
archaeological taxa to broad ecological categories
(sensu Robinson 1981, 1983, 1991; King 2010a) in
order to recognize and group clusters of species that
were representative of particular habitats. Each of
the taxa was assigned one of the categories according
to ecological data. Robinson (1981, 1983) designated
10 species ecological groupings: aquatic, pasture/
dung, probable meadowland, wood and trees,
marsh/aquatic plants, bare ground/arable, dung/
foul organic material, Lathridiidae, synanthropes,
and species especially associated with structural
timbers. Later, an 11th group was added, i.e., species
on roots in grassland (cf. Robinson 1991). The present
investigation drew upon Robinson’s ecological
categorization method as modified by King (2010a)
(Table 1).
Although the ecological grouping system employed
here was designed for the interpretation of
beetle assemblages, its application to a wider range
of biota served to help clarify the environmental
conditions in the region and provided insight into
the flora, fauna, and geography in the vicinity of the
archaeological sites. The palaeoecological approach
addressed issues pertaining to species composition
and environmental conditions in the area.
Biogeographical approach
Biogeography, as the study of living things in
time and space, may be utilized to address issues
such as the distribution of species throughout time,
the mechanisms behind the distribution, and the human
influence upon these patterns of species distribution
(Cox and Moore 2000). Here, we consulted
documentary, paleontological, and archaeological
accounts in order to note diachronic changes in
species’ distribution as well as geographical ranges
(cf. King et al. 2014). Both regional and local case
studies were evaluated from pre-Columbian and
early settlement sites. As the existing species’ re-
Table 1. Description of ecological categories.
Group # Ecological group name Description
Group 1 Aquatic Species that can spend most of their adult life under water, e.g.,
Helophorus spp.
Group 2 Pasture/dung Species, such as dung beetles, that are more commonly associated
with dung in the field than manure heaps. It included species
from the genus Aphodius.
Group 3 Probable meadowland and grassland Species that are typically found in meadowlands and grasslands or
which mostly feed on leaves and stems of vetches, clovers, and
other grassland flora, e.g., Sitona spp.
Group 4 Wood and trees Species of trees as well as organisms that are found in the wood,
leaves, bark, and fruits of live trees and shrubs; species which
feed on wood that is undergoing various stages of decay, e.g.,
scolytids; and species generally found in a forested environment
but not necessarily on the trees.
Group 5 Marshland and Water-edge species Marshland and aquatic plants as well as species of beetles that feed
exclusively on marsh or aquatic plants, e.g., Notaris acridulus,
or live in damp or wet terrestrial environments.
Group 6 Disturbed ground/arable Biota that inhabit bare ground, arable soils, and weedy disturbed
ground, e.g., Amara spp.
Group 7 Dung/foul organic material Species that live in different types of foul organic matter such as
decaying vegetation, dung, compost, carrion, and manure heaps.
The associated Coleoptera are primarily decomposers, e.g., Cercyon
spp.
Group 8 Mould (Lathridiidae, sensu Robinson 1981) Families of beetles that primarily feed on fungi and mould on decaying
plant material, e.g., Latridius minutus group.
Group 9 Synanthropes Species that are associated with human-made environments.
Consists of species that usually inhabit or are associated with
human-made structures, e.g., Ptinus fur and Typhaea stercorea,
and landscapes, e.g., cereals and cultivated legumes.
Group 10 Species especially associated with structural timbers Coleopteran species that live in dry, dead wood and are able to reproduce
in structural timbers, e.g., Anobium punctatum.
Group 11 On roots in grassland Primarily members of the families Scarabaeidae and Elateridae that
as larvae feed on the roots of grassland herbs, e.g., Phyllopertha
horticola.
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
8
versité Laval, Québec City, QC, Canada, 2011 pers.
comm.), the assessment only recovered a single
vertebrate microfaunal ecofact (Rattus sp.) from the
latrines; CeEt-30 44B4. Similarly, molluscs were
scarce in the samples and were only identified from
CeEt-30 51C50 southeast.
CeEt-30 61A41 and 61A30: the shipyard or
Talon’s brewery
The samples 61A41 and 61A30 pertain to contexts
that were taken to the north of the First Intendant’s
Palace site. Wood litter, branches, and bark as
well as sand and clay were prevalent in the context
in a manner that is reminiscent of natural deposits.
Although his initial field notes place the deposit
between 1608 and 1716, Pelletier (2010) revised the
timeframe to between 1665 and 1675.
The assemblages for samples 61A41 and 61A30
were composed primarily of indigenous biota. Of the
taxa that we could assign to one of the 11 ecological
groups, wetland and waterside coleopteran species,
Group 5, dominated (Fig. 2). Bembidion scopulinum
is associated with river margins, particularly
those without vegetation (Lindroth 1963), and B.
affine is a common wetland species. The hydrophilid
Crenitis morata prefers shallow standing water or
edges of stagnant bodies of water (Smetana 1988).
Both the staphylinids are indicative of a waterside
environment. Anotylus insecatus is common in riverside
meadows and flood debris, especially those
containing decaying vegetation (Koch 1989), and
cords presumably represent only a fraction of the
original ecological community in the past, it must
be understood that the biogeographical mapping of
remains is able to provide only a provisional reflection
of the past. With that in mind, we used the biogeographical
interpretation to denote the geographic
presence of each species at archaeologically dated
points in time. By observing the temporal changes in
the biota, it was possible to obtain a more accurate
portrait of the presence of the introduced species.
By assessing changes in the presence and absence of
native species in comparison to foreign species over
time, we were able to formulate inferences regarding
the Europeanization of the local environment during
different settlement periods.
Results of the Case Study
Science is simply common sense at its best, that
is, rigidly accurate in observation and merciless to
fallacy in logic. (Huxley1880)
The results of the study are presented in the appendices
as presence–absence data (Appendices 3, 4).
Beetle remains comprised the majority of new data.
A few plant macrofossils were also recovered. The
current study did not contribute any new floral species
to the existing datasets of Bain et al. (2009) and
Fortin (1989); however, it further substantiated the
presence of the previously identified taxa. Although
the remains of fish, fowl, and vertebrate macrofauna
were present in several contexts (J. Bernard, Uni-
Figure 2. CeEt-30 61A41 and 61A30: Species diversity of insect remains by ecological group (1665 and 1675).
Journal of the North Atlantic
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G. King and T. Muller
CeEt-30 55A69: the shipyard
Of the archaeological deposits sampled on the
Palace site, one of the oldest is associated with context
55A69, ca. 1665–1671. The context comprised
a layer of clay, which contained tar, horsehair, and
worked wood, believed to be associated with the
shipbuilding industry. The sample yielded a moderately
rich diversity of coleopteran remains, containing
24 taxa.
Context 55A69 produced a wealth of endemic
and European biota. As in 61A41 and 61A30, Group
5 waterside species were present in the sample (Figs.
3, 4). Several of the recovered native plant taxa are
associated with riverside environments: Lycopus
americanus (American Water Horehound), Carex
spp. (sedges), and Verbena sp. (verbain) (Bain et al.
2009). Additionally, the carabid Bembidion affine
implies the presence of a wetland environment, and
the semi-aquatic hydrophilid Phaenonotum exstriatum
prefers shoreline habitats where it lays its eggs
on dead leaves or small pieces of wood (Archangelsky
and Durand 1992).
The sample contained several species of European
weed, disturbed-land specialists, flora, including
Galeopsis sp. (Hemp Nettle), Hyoscyamus niger
(Henbane), Capsella bursa-pastoris (Shepherd’s
Purse), Euphorbia helioscopia (Sun Spurge), and
Sonchus asper (Thorny Sowthistle) (cf. Bain et al.
2009). These Group 6 species prefer an open environment
with disturbed soils. Of the coleopteran taxa,
only the Nearctic staphylinid Philonthus sericans is
loosely associated with a disturbed-land environment
Olophrum rotundicolle prefers to frequent watersides
with rich vegetation, moss, alders, and willows
(Böcher 1995). The scarab Dialytes ulkei is
also a common beetle in riparian habitats, where it
is strongly associated with the presence of deer dung
and has been recorded in sheep manure (Gordon and
Skelley 2007).
Two Palaearctic carabids were recovered. The
carabid Loricera pilicornis is a hygrophilous beetle
common in floodplains and on river banks (Lindroth
1961). Koch (1989) associated the species with
moist woodland environments as well as in flood
debris and under loose bark. Amara aenea (Common
Sun Beetle) prefers sparsely vegetated, sandy
or stony soils in open areas (Duff 1993).
Species included in Group 4 were also present
in the assemblage. The staphylinid Sepedophilus
testaceus and the scolytid Polygraphus rufipennis
support the presence of wood. S. testaceus is associated
with rotting wood and bark and wood mould,
especially with hardwoods (Koch 1989). Polygrahus
rufipennis will infest a wide range of conifers, although
usually prefers dead or dying spruce (Bright
1976). The samples also yielded an individual of
the Cryptophagidae family, which generally feed on
moulds and fungal spores on vegetation and wood
(Campbell et al. 1989).
During this study, diagnostic plant macrofossils
and non-insect fauna were not recovered from the
samples. However in his report, Pelletier (2010)
made reference to the presence of a single Juglans
cinerea (Butternut or White Walnut) seed.
Figure 3. CeEt-30 55A69: Species diversity of insect remains by ecological group (ca. 1665–1671).
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
10
spp. (pine) and would have exploited its presence in
the vicinity of the site (Blatchley and Leng 1916) or
its use on the site. Moreover, the remains of Alnus
rugosa (Speckled Alder), Aralia nudicaulis (Wild
Sarsaparilla), and Thuya sp. (cedar) were found on
the sample (Bain et al. 2009).
CeEt-30 55A61: possible shipyard (ca. 1665-1671)
The assemblage from 55A61 was dominated by
taxa associated with waterside environments, floodplains,
and wet, decaying organic matter (Fig. 5).
The endomychid Myceteae subterranea (formerly
M. hirta) was the only synanthropic species recovered
from the assemblage. Although the species is
commonly associated with human environments, it
is not an obligatory synanthrope and has been known
to attack mould on damp wood and vegetation in
natural settings (cf. Koch 1989). Thus, we classified
it with group 8 or mould-affiliated species. However,
M. subterranea is believed to be an introduced species
and, as it is flightless, is indicative of human
activity in the area.
The assemblage was primarily composed of European
decomposer fauna, Group 7. Cercyon analis,
Gyrohypnus fracticornis, Aphodius prodromus, and
Calamosternus (formerly Aphodius) granarius are
general indicators of foul environments containing
decaying vegetation and dung. However, the
taxa have also been associated with the decaying
vegetation in flood debris (Duff 1993, Jessop 1986,
Koch 1989). Although categorized as a foul decomposer,
Cercyon littoralis is not associated with dung;
rather, it provides evidence towards the presence
(Smetana 1995). However, several members of Sitona
sp. are associated with meadows and grasslands
(Group 3), especially those containing clovers.
In addition to the weed species, the assemblage
consisted of several European synanthropic taxa,
Group 9 (Figs. 3, 4). The remains of wheat and cultivated
Vitis sp. (grape) were recovered. Sitophilus
granarius (Granary Weevil) and, to a much lesser
extent, Tenebrio obscurus (Dark Mealworm Beetle)
are indicative of the presence of stored cereal grains
(cf. King 2010a). Carpophilus hemipterus is a common
pest of stored fruits (Hinton 1945) and has
been known to attack cereals. Dermestes lardarius
(Larder Beetle) is representative of the presence of
dead animal or food of animal origin (Duff 1993);
indeed, fish remains and the bones of large mammals
were noted in the assemblage. Group 8 beetles
of the families Endomychidae, Lathridiidae, and
Myceptophagidae are commonly associated with
mouldy vegetation, particularly sweet compost such
as straw and cereal. They may be associated with the
cereal remains or perhaps straw used to edulcorate
the deposit. The European hydrophilid Megasternum
obscurum is prevalent in fetid environments containing
rotting organic matter (Backlund 1945). Smetana
(1995) has recorded Philonthus sericans in organic
matter such as leaf litter, compost, and carcasses.
The presence of wood was suggested by 2 indigenous
Group 4 beetles: the tenebrionid Neatus tenebriodes
and the weevil Dryopthorus americanus.
Neatus tenebriodes is associated with the bark pabulum
in general and is not known to have a particular
host species. However, D. americanus infests Pinus
Figure 4. CeEt-30 55A69: Species diversity of botanical remains by ecological group (ca. 1665–1671).
Journal of the North Atlantic
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2018 No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
Moussette (1994) and Simoneau (2009). The samples
from lot 51C60 were taken from outside of the
brewery during the 2007 excavation. The samples
yielded 13 coleopteran taxa as well as 12 plant taxa
(Figs. 6, 7). Both indigenous and foreign taxa were
present.
Group 5 water-side plant species Carex spp.
and Eleocharis sp. were abundant in the samples.
However, the environment was only represented by
a single individual of Atomaria ochracea among the
of foul decaying vegetation usually in the form of
wrack or detritus in wash-zones along shorelines
(Backlund 1945, Duff 1993). Similarly, the recovery
of Bembidion affine and the Cicindela duodecimguttata
(Twelve-spotted Tiger Beetle) suggests a riverside,
wetland environment (Johnsgard 2001).
CeEt-30 51C60: Talon’s brewery
The archaeological remains of the brewery
(1668–1675) were identified and documented by
Figure 5. CeEt-30 55A61: Species diversity of insect remains by ecological group (1665–1671).
Figure 6. CeEt-30 51C60: Species diversity of insect remains by ecological group (1668–1675).
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
12
sericeus was also found in the assemblage. The anobiid
attacks structural timbers and has been found in
floor boards, sills, and buildings along the east coast
(Campbell et al. 1989). The remains of several tree
species were found in the assemblage, including
Speckled Alder, Wild Sarsaparilla, and birch.
CeEt-30 51C50 S.E.: the King’s Stores (1725–
1750)
Bioarchaeological data for the samples from the
King’s Stores have been presented in several previous
studies (Bain et al. 2009, Fortin 1989, Muller
2010). The environmental samples from lot 51C50
were not overly rich. In his analysis of coleopteran
remains from the southeastern and southwestern
quadrants, Muller (2010) recognized 24 taxa. The
present study examined a sample from the southeast
quadrant. The sample suffered poor preservation and
yielded few remains.
No identifiable botanical remains were recovered.
The coleopteran assemblage was composed
of both endemic and foreign species (Fig. 8). The
Nearctic biota was represented by what may be Entomophthalmus
rufiolus (False-click Beetle). The
Group 4 species is strongly associated with Carya
(hickory; Muona 2001). A second False-click
Beetle was also present but was not identifiable to
species.
The Palaearctic species were associated with cereals
or potentially cereal-straw, Group 9. Sitophilus
granarius is regarded as a primary pest of stored
coleopteran specimens. Atomaria ochracea (syn.
Atomaria fuscata Schönherr) has been collected
in wetland environments and flood debris as well
as grasslands and woodlands (Johnson 1993). The
presence of Philonthus sericans and Cercyon analis
may also indicate flood debris. Amara aenea can be
found in sandy shore habitats with flood debris but
also evidences grassy meadows (Koch 1989).
An open grassland environment was suggested
by the presence of the Group 3 carabids Bembidion
grapii and Pterostichus adstricus. Bembidion grappi
prefers open alpine habitats (Lavoie 2001), whereas
P. adstricus is weakly associated with coniferous
meadowlands and occasionally woodlands. The
remains of grasses (Poaceae) and Oxalis stricta
(Yellow Woodsorrel) were also identified and are
indicative of open environments such as grasslands
and meadowlands.
Several coleopteran species were associated with
wood and woodland environments, Group 4. While
Koch (1989) has collected Sepedophilus testaceus
from river floodplain deposits, he associates the
staphylinid with wood mould, bark, twigs, and wood
chips, as well as leaves and moss. Similarly the tetratomid
Pisenus humeralis is typically found on woodrotting
fungi (Lawrence and Leschen 2010). Rhyncolus
brunneus (Cedar Bark Weevil) is associated with
cedar and the scolytid Phloeotribus piceae is known
to attack Picea spp. (spruce; Bright 1976). Moreover,
several species of the genus Laemophloeus are part
of the bark fauna. The Group 10 anobiid Priobium
Figure 7. CeEt-30 51C60: Species diversity of botanical remains by ecological group (1668–1675).
Journal of the North Atlantic
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2018 No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
grains. However, while the granary beetle requires
the presence of cereal grains for reproduction, it has
been found in both modern and archaeological contexts
in association with wheat-based thatch (King
2010a, 2012). The polyphagous spider beetle Ptinus
fur has been recovered from a range of synanthropic
and natural habitats but demonstrates an affiliation
with cereals and hay (cf. King 2010a) and is part of
Carrott and Kenward’s (2001) house fauna group.
Both the Latridius minutus group (Square-nosed
Fungus Beetle) and the handsome fungus beetle
Mycetaea subterranea (Hairy Cellar Beetle) are associated
with sweet compost such as hay and cereals
(Koch 1989) but have been noted on mould under
bark in natural settings (Böcher 1988).
Two species of freshwater gastropods were present
in the sample, representing Group 1. The marsh
snail Lymnaea palustris group includes both Nearctic
and Palaearctic subspecies, which are common in
ditches and pools of freshwater. Bithynia tentaculata
(Faucet Snail) is a Palaearctic species and has been
found in slow-moving and standing bodies of water
as well as relatively unpolluted nearshore areas
(Vaillancourt and Lafarriere 1983). The Faucet Snail
was previously believed to have been introduced
to the New World in 1870 (Mills et al. 1993). The
gastropods aestivate on dry vegetation such as wood
near shores (Byrne et al. 1989, cf. Jokinen 1978,
Korotneva et al. 1992).
CeEt-30 57B4-B6: latrines of the Second Intendant’s
Palace (1723–1775)
Unsurprisingly, the latrine samples were dominated
by socioeconomic, primarily Group 9, taxa
(Figs. 9, 10). Both autochthonous and foreign species
were recovered. According to Bain et al. (2009),
at least 70 plant species were identified from the
privies. They recovered the remains of imported
plants such as Prunus dulcis (Almond), Olea europaea
(Olive), and Coffea arabica (Arabian Coffee)
alongside a myriad of native taxa including Butternut,
Vaccinium spp. (blueberries), Crataegus spp.
(hawthorn fruits), and Viburnum spp. (viburnum
fruits; the fruit of V. lentago [Nannyberry] is edible).
However, in the present study, we recovered
17 unique plant taxa, including Malus spp. (apples),
Menthis arvensis (Field Mint), and Ficus sp. (fig).
The coleopteran remains yielded a similar ecological
assemblage. The privy samples predominantly
yielded socioeconomic species. Sitophilus
granarius and S. oryzae/zeamais are primary infesters
of stored cereal products and capable of attacking
undamaged grains (cf. King 2010a). The remains
of what may be Bruchus pisorum (Pea Weevil)
were present. The species is oligophagous of Pisum
sativum (Garden Pea), although it has been known
to attack beans and seeds (Koch 1992). Ptinus fur
(White-marked Spider Beetle) was recovered and
has been known to infest sweet compost, such as
grains and straw, in houses and granaries (Carrott
Figure 8. CeEt-30 51C50 S.E.: Species diversity of invertebrate remains by ecological group (1725–1750).
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
14
and Kenward 2001), in addition to dried and decaying
animal and vegetable matter (Campbell et al.
1989). It has been suggested that the presence of hay
in privy samples may indicate attempts at sweetening
(Bain and King 2011).
Creophilus maxillosus and Trox scaber (Hide
Beetle) are occasional carrion-feeders (Hinton 1945,
Osborne 1983, Vaurie 1955). Creophilus maxillosus
(Hairy Rove Beetle) is known to feed on fresh
or partly decomposed meat and old bones as well
as fly and beetle larvae (Campbell et al. 1989). In
addition to attacking dried carrion, T. scaber also
infests hides, fleece, and skins (Koch 1989). The
decomposer (Group 7) entomofauna included both
Nearctic (e.g., Philonthus sericans) and Palaearctic
(e.g., Gnathocerus rotundatus, Cercyon analis, and
Gryohypnus fracticornis) taxa that are generally associated
with environments containing foul, decaying
organic matter.
Figure 9. CeEt-30 57B4-B6: Species diversity of insect remains by ecological group (1723–1775).
Figure 10. CeEt-30 57B6: Species diversity of botanical remains by ecological group (1723–1775).
Journal of the North Atlantic
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2018 No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
Discussion
Follow humbly wherever and to whatever abysses
Nature leads, or you shall learn nothing. (Huxley
1860)
A chronological assessment of ecological change
Pre-Columbian Holocene conditions. The vast
majority of palaeoentomological studies in North
America concentrate on the Late Pleistocene to
Early Holocene epochs during which major climatic
changes occurred. Over that time period, recently
deglaciated areas experienced a rapid replacement
of arctic and alpine faunas by more thermophilous,
boreal, and temperate faunas (cf. Elias 1994). Regarding
the flora, Colpron-Tremblay and Lavoie
(2010) indicate an afforestation period occurred in
the Montmorency Forest, north of Québec City, before
9500 BP, which is marked by an increase in the
pollen percentages of Pinus banksiana (Jack Pine).
Prior to the increase in P. banksiana, the region
was characterized by low pollen concentrations of
Picea spp. (spruce) and Cyperaceae (sedges). Circa
9500 BP, a densification of the forest cover began,
which is denoted by the emergence of Abies balsamea
(Balsam Fir) and Betula papyrifera (White
Birch) and a corresponding decrease in P. banksiana
(Colpron-Tremblay and Lavoie 2010). Acer spicatum
(Mountain Maple) and Coptis trifolia (Threeleaf
Goldthread) also appeared. However, the pollen
concentration of Alnus viridis ssp. crispa (Green
Mountain Alder), Cyperaceae, and Poaceae (grasses)
remained high until 7000 BP, which suggests
that the forest cover remained less dense than today;
after 7000 BP, the pollen concentrations of the these
species significantly decreased, which is considered
to be representative of a closing of the forest canopy
and the establishment of the fir/White Birch forest
that persists in the region today (Colpron-Tremblay
and Lavoie 2010).
At the high altitude site of Lac à l’Empêche
Mountain in the Charlevoix region, a spruce forest
with dense cover was present 4500 years ago
(Brais et al. 1996, Bussières et al. 1996, Payette and
Morneau 1993). In the last 3000 years, the region
has been subjected to deforestation, leading to the
gradual decrease in the presence of spruce as a result
of sporadic outbreaks of forest fire (Bussières et
al. 1996). Lavoie (2001) inferred that the post-fire
areas were a mosaic of forest and open areas with a
forest cover varying from 30% to 50%, based on the
interpretation of subalpine insect remains. Bussières
et al. (1996) put forth the idea that the post-fire environment
would have favored the establishment of
Sphagnum (moss) colonies. The moss carpets in this
newly opened environment would have created microhabitats
for hygrophilous beetles (Lavoie 2001).
The opening of the tree cover would have also exposed
the declining spruce trees to attack by bark
beetles, contributing to an increase in the beetles’
populations (Lavoie 2001). In the mountains of the
Charlevoix region, the beetle remains suggest that a
subalpine environment may have been present at the
onset of the colonial period.
Garneau (1997) describes in detail the evolution
of the natural environment at the site of the Grande
Place in Québec over a 2000-year period leading
up to the historic era. Around the time that Cartier
was exploring the region, the site was dominated
by a mature cedar forest in a wetland environment
that was prominent in the terrestrial area between
the riverside and the cliff face. While cedars were
dominant, spruce, fir, Fraxinus (ash), Red Maple,
Populus (poplar), and Ulmus (elm) were also present
(Garneau 1997). Similar ecological conditions were
inferred for what would become the Lower Town
area of Québec City (Baillargeon 1981). Garneau
(1997) also posited that stands of Quercus (oak) and
Tsuga (hemlock) may have existed on the sandbars
near the Grande Place site.
Although there is a paucity of studies recounting
the palaeoecological conditions of the Late Woodland
Period in Québec, the journals of Cartier offer
some insight into the pre-European environment.
During his second voyage to the New World in 1535,
Cartier depicted the natural environment around the
village of Stadacona (present-day Québec City) and
Bacchus Island (l’île d’Orléans). In his writings, the
French explorer makes reference to coastal forests
composed of oaks, elms, ash, Juglans (walnuts),
cedars, and maples interlaced with Taxus (yews),
cydrons (Verbena [vervain]), wild grapes, Cannabis
sativa (Hemp), and white thorns with plum-sized
fruits (Craetagus [hawthorns]) (Cartier 1906a:47,
Stephens 1890:50). Cartier’s mention of the presence
of Hemp in the coastal forests is noteworthy as
the plant is not considered to be indigenous. However,
as plant macrofossils have been documented
from 10th-century Anglo-Scandinavian sites (e.g.,
Kenward et al. 2003) and Cannabis pollen has been
recorded from Viking period and earlier sites in
Scandinavia (e.g., Fries 1962, Hafsten 1956, Larsson
and Lagerås 2015, Tolonen 1978), the Norse
exploration and brief settlement in the region may
have provided a pathway for the introduction of the
species to North America.
At a location a few days journey from Stadacona
towards Hochelaga (present-day Montréal),
Cartier added Salix (willow), birch, fir, and spruce
to his account of the natural flora and reemphasized
the abundance of wild grapes along the riverside
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
16
(Stephens 1890:58). It is evident that the indigenous
peoples were engaged in agriculture as they brought
cereals and gourds aboard Cartier’s ship (Cartier
1906a:46). Unfortunately, Cartier did not describe
the village of Stadacona; thus, his accounts cannot
be drawn upon to infer the extent of environmental
impact inflicted by the native populations.
The pre-Columbian environment in Québec was,
unsurprisingly, not static. Following the emergence
of thermophilous and forest biota in the early Holocene,
a gradual densification of the forest cover
occurred in both the mountain regions, with fir and
White Birch emerging as the dominant tree species,
and the riverside environs, with major cedar forests
prevailing. The areas were subject to natural, autogenic
disturbances such as forest fires and flooding.
While archaeological investigations reveal the presence
of indigenous populations in the province dating
to the Paleoindian Period, the lack of associated
environmental archaeological assessments makes it
difficult to clearly establish the level of human disturbance
in the region prior to the arrival of Europeans.
However, Cartier’s portrayal of the riverside environment
around Stadacona during his 1535 voyage does
paint a picture of a rather undisturbed landscape.
Culture-steppe: the Europeanization of the landscape.
The arrival of the French colonists in Québec
had an observable impact upon the natural environment.
In 1541, Cartier depicted the landscape surrounding
the Charlesbourg-Royal colony near the
Cap-Rouge River. In his journal, Cartier mentioned
the presence of oaks, cedars, Fagus (beeches), and
Acer saccharum (Sugar Maple), among other trees
(Cartier 1906b:97; Stephens 1890:104). He also referred
to a tree he called hanneda (annedda), whose
bark the natives believed to be a cure for all sickness
and which Cartier claimed cured scurvy and syphilis
(Erichsen-Brown 1979). Based on the description
offered by Cartier and the high vitamin-C concentrations
in the bark, the tree was likely Picea rubens
(Red Spruce) or perhaps Tsuga canadensis (Eastern
Hemlock). South of the forest, Cartier described a
thick grove of wild grapes and hawthorns (Cartier
1906b:97). According to Cartier (1906b:97), the fertility
of the land appealed to the colonists and they
ploughed the spot and planted cabbage, turnips, and
lettuce.
The colonists constructed a fort on the cliff. Cartier
(1906b:98) described a forest of oaks and other
trees, “no thicker [than] the Forrests of France” located
near the fort, which was easily brought to
tillage. The land surrounding the fort was not completely
forested. Cartier mentioned a grassy meadow
to the west of the river bordered by wild grapes and
Hemp (Stephens 1890:106).
Archaeobotanical assessments of samples from
the Cartier-Roberval Upper Fort site (probably taken
from both inside and outside of buildings) have revealed
a range of endemic and imported plant species
(Bouchard-Perron and Bain 2009). Over 85% of the
identified plant remains were European in origin and
of a domestic nature, such as: peas, Lens culinaris
(Lentil), olives, Barley, and wheat. In addition to the
European economic plants, the site yielded some evidence
for the presence of Palaearctic weed species.
Bouchard-Perron and Bain (2009) made particular
mention of the weed species Agrostemma githago
(Corncockle) and Euphorbia sp. (spurge) and proposed
that the taxa were imported accidentally alongside
the harvested wheat. While that is the most likely
pathway for the introduction of the weeds, certain
species of Euphorbia have been used medicinally in
remedies for pinworms and cramps (cf. Erichsen-
Brown 1979). Brinkkemper and van Haaster (2012)
similarly note that Corncockles were recommended
in some historical sources as effective antihelminths.
As the site was occupied only from 1541–1543,
the sparse representation of indigenous flora in the
examined samples is noteworthy. The majority of
the evidence for the endemic taxa came from tree
and shrub species, which may likely demonstrate
the continued presence of a natural woodland environment
surrounding the fort rather than ecological
conditions within the immediate vicinity of the site.
The paucity of open environment or disturbed-land
species, European or indigenous, may imply the
creation, for the most part, of a sterilized anthropogenic
environment within the fort. The absence
of grass and other open environment species may
suggest that the fort was not constructed in a meadowland
but rather in an area of recently cleared
woodland. The clearance of an established forest
would have displaced the woodland biota and created
an open niche susceptible to the colonization
of the environment by species specialized for openland
habitats, whereas it might be argued that the
construction of the fort upon an open environment
would not have completely displaced the local
flora, allowing for the possible recovery of some
grassland taxa. However, a more detailed analysis
of the site would need to be pursued in order to address
these questions.
After Cartier and Roberval’s failed attempt at
colonization, Champlain resettled the area in 1608.
Although Champlain’s sketch of the basin area lacks
specifics, it does hint at a predominantly forested
environment with an open terrain (sandy or rocky)
bordering the edge of the basin (Fig. 11). The next
environmental archaeological evidence for Québec
City is derived from the early contexts (61A41 and
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G. King and T. Muller
61A30) at the Intendant’s Palace site in the Lower
City. Tentatively dated to ca. 1665, the contexts
provided little environmental signal of a European
presence and were mostly of an endemic natural biota.
However, the recovery of 2 Palaearctic carabid
beetles confirms a European presence in the region.
The coleopteran assemblage paints a portrait of a
terrestrial floodplain or wetland environment with
hardwoods and spruce. The recovery of Dialytes
ulkei may suggest that deer and/or sheep may have
frequented the area. The coleopteran remains may
provide insight into the natural entomofauna of the
forested riverside environment of the St. Lawrence,
as described by Garneau (1997).
If the dates are correct, the paucity of European
biota in the assemblage is surprising, as other colonial
sites reveal an assortment of Palaearctic taxa
very early in their respective settlement history.
Non-obligatory synanthropes, especially mycetophagous
taxa, have been recovered from contexts at
Pointe-à-Callière, Montréal, dating to 1642, the year
of its settlement (King 2010b), and the 1611 contexts
from James Fort in Jamestown, VA, USA, evidence
an established Europeanized urban environment
only 4 years after its founding (King et al. 2010).
However, the ecofacts recovered from both of those
sites were collected from artificial, man-made environments,
whereas the early Québec City contexts
(61A41 and 61A30) may be associated with a more
natural (or at least a seemingly less externally influ -
enced) setting.
Contemporaneous contexts (55A69 and 55A61)
from the shipyard in Québec City have yielded a
combination of endemic and European biota. As in
61A41 and 61A30, the indigenous species primarily
reflected the presence of a waterside/floodplain
environment as well as the exploitation of wood
remains. Moreover, the samples yielded European
fauna (primarily decomposer species) capable of
occupying similar waterlogged, organic habitats.
While environmental remains from 55A61 were
primarily indicative of the floodplain habitat, those
from 55A69 revealed the additional presence of an
open-ground/disturbed-land environment. Although
this ecological signal was reflected by both European
and North American weed species, only 2 coleopteran
species (both Nearctic) represented it. Context
55A69 was also composed of several synanthropic
taxa representing the presence of food remains. Additionally,
Sonchus oleraceus (Common Sowthistle)
was recovered. This European disturbed-land species
may have been accidentally imported as a weed;
however, it is an edible as well as medicinal plant
that is also a favored food of hogs and rabbits. The
economic aspect of the assemblage was primarily
European in origin.
Figure 11. Champlain’s sketch of the basin ca. 1613. “Ilustrations de Les Voyages de Champlain. Planche en regard de la
Québec ”. P. 176. Bibliothèque Nationale de France, dépôt des cartes et pl ans C85849. Paris, France.
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
18
Unlike 61A41 and 61A30, the shipyard contexts
evidenced the presence of European taxa within an
anthropogenic environment. The assemblage from
55A61 was suggestive of human activity in the vicinity
primarily through the recovery of imported
floodplain/waterside taxa alongside endemic species.
Context 55A69 demonstrated more discernible
evidence of human settlement, yielding both disturbed-
land and synanthropic taxa. The presence of
a clear disturbed-land/open-ground biota rather than
a woodland assemblage likely reflects the ecological
result of the deforestation of the area during the settlement
process. By 1665, the Lower City supported
both indigenous and allochthonous biota. The flora,
in particular, seem to reflect the coexistence of species
from both biogeographical regions. Although a
few Nearctic species were present, the food-related
and decomposer coleopteran taxa were dominated
by European species. The Nearctic staphylinids and
scarabs from 61A41 and 61A30 were absent in the
shipyard assemblages, and instead the niche was
represented by common Palaearctic species such as
Gyrohypnus fracticornis, Aphodius prodromus, and
Calamosternus granarius.
The representation of Nearctic and Palaearctic
species in the environmental remains from the samples
procured outside Talon’s Brewery suggest an
ecological context similar to the shipyard samples.
Water-side taxa were present in small numbers,
likely reflecting the proximity of the St. Charles
River. Unlike the shipyard contexts, however, very
few foul decomposers were recovered, suggesting
that the ground may not have been as damp.
Wood-related and open grassland species dominated
the samples. The presence of the carabids
Bembidion grapii and Pterostichus adstricus suggest
the existence of a coniferous or alpine-like
meadowland. A depiction of Québec City ca. 1670
portrays an open environment surrounding the brewery
with the St. Lawrence River in the background
and a pocket of forest in the foreground (Fig. 12).
The plant macrofossils show a blend of Nearctic
and European species with native grasses, Oxalis
stricta, and Polygonum pensylvanicum (Pennsylvania
Smartweed), coexisting with allochthonous
weeds such as Stellaria media (Common Chickweed),
Lapsana communis (Common Nipplewort),
Taraxacum officinale (Common Dandelion), and
Nepeta cataria (Catnip) (Fortin 1989). It also appears
that wood, likely with bark, was stored on the
site. The identified wood-related coleopteran taxa
were endemic and comprised species mostly associated
with dead or dying wood. The wood may have
been intended for construction or firewood.
Alternatively, given the proximity to the brewery,
the bark from the wood may have played a role in the
brewing process. The recovery of Rhyncolus brunneus
and Phloeotribus piceae suggest the presence of
cedar and spruce on the site, and Fortin (1989) identified
both plant species in her analysis of the botanical
remains. Additionally, the European imports Humulus
lupulus (Hops) and Hyoscyamus niger (Henbane;
Figure 12. Québec from the west, ca. 1670, depicting small boats in front of the brewery, marked 5 (Anon., “L’entrée de la
Rivière St Laurent et la ville de Québec dans le Canada”, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, dépôt des cartes et plans, Paris,
France. S.H. portf. 128, div. 6, piece 1).
Journal of the North Atlantic
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2018 No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
often considered a weed, but noteworthy as Rabin
and Forget [1998] list it as a pre-hops ingredient in
the brewing process) were recovered (Fortin 1989).
Although Boucher (1664) mentioned only wine and
bouillon (a brew made from fermented yeast and
grain), Josselyn (1672) upon visiting New England
referred to a beer made with boiled spruce bark, and
Kalm (1772:324, 414) noted spruce-beer during his
tour of Québec in 1749. Among the beetles, the only
other potential evidence of anthropogenic activity in
the vicinity was the presence of Priobium sericeus.
Today, this Nearctic anobiid attacks structural timbers
and worked wood (Campbell et al. 1989); however,
in nature, it likely preferred to attack exposed
and debarked sections of dead trees.
The paucity of synanthropic taxa in the context in
addition to the myriad of open land species indicates
an untended environment in which opportunistic
natural species, both indigenous and foreign, had recolonized.
Some human activity, such as the storage
of wood, may have been indicated. Although both
biogeographical zones were represented, the flora
and entomofauna from Talon’s Brewery (51C60)
were predominantly Nearctic. However, similar
contexts evaluated by Bain et al. (2009) yielded a
wider range of Palaearctic flora. In comparison, the
samples from within the brewery were almost entirely
European, both economic and weed flora (Bain
et al. 2009).
The shoreline or beach samples from the nearby
Îlot Hunt site (ca. 1675–1699) provided a coleopteran
assemblage that was similar to the shipyard
biota (Bain and King 2011). The ground beetles and
weevils were indigenous taxa while the decomposers
and mycetophagous individuals were European
in origin. The beetle remains evidence a typical riverside
floodplain environment littered with organic
debris. The recovery of Dryophthorus americanus
and Laemophloeus indicate that wood or wood debris
may have been present on site.
Fonville’s 1699 image of Québec City suggests
that there may have been a ditch in the northwest corner
of the palisade near the First Intendant’s Palace
(Fig. 13). The coleopteran assemblage from the ditch
indicates the continued presence of a biogeographically
mixed environment: predominantly Palaearctic
decomposer and economic species that coexisted
with Nearctic ground beetles (Bain et al. 2009). The
former indicated a fetid habitat potentially containing
disposed domestic waste, and the latter, i.e.,
Figure 13. “Quebec veu dv Nord Ouest”, 1699 (attributed to Fonv ille, National Archives of Canada, C-46450).
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
20
Stenelophus comma, provided an ecological signal
for the presence of an open, sandy space near water
(cf. Bain et al. 2009). The plant macrofossils demonstrated
that the European flora, particularly dry-land
weeds, also dominated the context. Meanwhile, the
cedar wood remains from the palisade posts showed
that the colonists continued (as suggested by the Nearctic
wood-related taxa from the earlier contexts) to
exploit the endemic natural resources of surrounding
forests (Bain et al. 2009). Villeneuve’s 1685 map
shows that forested areas were still plentiful in Québec
City’s hinterlands (Fig. 14).
Figure 14. Lower Town, Québec ca. 1685; denoted as 2. “Carte des Environs de Quebec en La Nouvelle France Mezuré sur
le lieu très exactement en 1685 et 86 par le Sr Devilleneuve Ingénieur du Roy”. Bibliothèque Nationale de France, dépôt
des cartes et plans. Paris, France. S.H. portf. 127, div 7, piece 4.
Journal of the North Atlantic
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G. King and T. Muller
The Nearctic biota remained strongly represented
within the Lower Town of Québec City at
the beginning of the 18th century. The entomofauna,
particularly the carabids, recovered from the beach
level in front of the Dauphine Battery at ȋlot Hunt
(ca. 1700–1725) suggest a sparsely vegetated
riverside setting with a sandy substrate (Bain and
King 2011), an inference which is supported by
Fonville’s depiction of Québec City in 1699 (Fig.
13). However, it should be noted that Fonville focuses
on the Intendant’s Palace and is believed to
portray the St. Charles at low tide. Species reflecting
a waterside environment dominated the beachlevel
assemblage. The hydrophilids Hydrochus sp.
and Helophorus frosti represent aquatic habitats
(Smetana 1988), and Crenitis morata implies the
presence of standing pools of water (Smetana
1988). Both of the riffle beetles Optioservus ovalis
and Stenelmis are often found in or around cool,
rapid-moving streams (Arnett et al. 2002). The
presence of moss is evidenced by both Cytilus alternatus
and O. ovalis (Arnett et al. 2002) at ȋlot
Hunt (CeEt-110). The endemic beetles Hylesinus
aculeatus and Monarthrum mali indicate the presence
of felled or weakened trees, especially ash
(Campbell et al. 1989) although maples, elm, birch,
beech, oak, and Tilia (linden) may have also been
present (Bright 1976, Wood 1982). The recovery of
the bark beetle Dryocoetes also suggests the possibility
of fir, spruce, pine, or hemlock wood having
been present in the vicinity (Bright 1976), and
the weevil Pityophthorus further evidences spruce
or pine (Wood 1982). Botanical remains of fir and
spruce were recovered from the nearby site of the
First Intendant’s Palace (Fortin 1989).
The Palaearctic taxa were only weakly represented
in the early 18th-century beach-level contexts at
ȋlot Hunt. The staphylinids and the scarab Calamosternus
granarius would have been able to occupy
microhabitats within decaying vegetation, riverside
wrack, or perhaps even damp moss (see Koch
1989). Although primarily considered synanthropic,
the Latridius minutus group is also capable of infesting
natural environments containing plant debris and
bark (Böcher 1988). Sitophilus granarius (Granary
Weevil) was also present in the assemblage. The
Granary Weevil is a primary pest of stored cereals
and typically taken as an indicator for the presence
of grains. While the species has been occasionally
found in wheat thatch and straw (King 2010a, 2012),
it and the Nearctic Anthonomus rubi (Strawberry
Blossom Weevil) most likely indicate the dumping
of human waste. A 1710 ordinance shows that garbage
was to be transported to the site (Roy 1919),
most likely for the intentional formation of renewed
land through waste deposition (Bain and King 2011).
Although the early 18th-century shoreline samples
exhibited subtle signs of human activity in the vicinity,
the indigenous taxa dominated the assemblage,
implying the existence of a predominantly natural
riverside setting.
After the fire destroyed the First Intendant’s
Palace in 1713, the construction of the new palace
complex heralded an ecological transformation in the
physical landscape of the Lower Town. To the north of
the palace, the riverside setting was altered and a large
breakwater constructed (Bain et al. 2009). Ecologically,
the area exhibited a rapid decline in the number
of Nearctic plant species that hitherto had frequented
the vicinity (Bain et al. 2009). The documented
growth of the Lower Town during this time records an
urbanization of the landscape as the urban expansion
away from Place Royale encroached upon the former
isolation of the original palace (Bain et al. 2009).
The environmental samples dating to this period
are associated with anthropogenic contexts such as
the latrines and the King’s Stores. As one would expect,
both contexts yielded numerous socioeconomic
taxa reflecting the presence of various commodities
of both local and foreign origin, such as cereals,
fruits, nuts, meat, Linum usitatissimum (Flax), and
Hemp (Bain et al. 2009, Fortin 1989, Muller 2010).
In addition to these economic species, the contexts,
especially the King’s Stores, yielded a range of natural
biota. Several dry-land species were recovered
in addition to waterside/wetland taxa. Whereas the
weed taxa associated with dry landscapes may have
been transported to the buildings together with the
produce, the majority of the native weed flora derived
from a very moist environment (cf. Bain et al.
2009, Fortin 1989).
Similarly, the freshwater gastropods Lymnaea
palustris group and Bithynia tentaculata from the
King’s Stores (51C50 Southeast) as well as the
aquatic Coleoptera (Dytiscidae and Cercyon spp.;
51C50 Southwest) (Muller 2010) emphasize the enduring
presence of the riverside biota. Moreover, the
cocoons of thousands of Tubifex sp. were recovered
from the King’s Store (Fortin 1989). These freshwater
worms inhabit the organic sediments, often
muddy, of lakes, rivers, and sewers, where they feed
on detritus and decaying organic, vegetable, and
animal matter (see Fortin 1989). The majority of the
coleopteran remains, particularly the mycetophages,
economic pests, and staphylinids, were European
in origin. (For a detailed analysis of each room,
see Bain et al. [2009].) However, as in the earlier
Québec City contexts, the ground beetle species
(Bembidion wingatei, B. versicolor, Elaphrus sp.)
as well as the wood-related entomofauna (Ostoma
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
22
ferruginea and Sepedophilus sp.) were primarily endemic
(cf. Muller 2010). Bain et al. (2009) have suggested
the waterside and aquatic taxa from King’s
Stores represent the conditions of the cellar (the
bottom of the cellar likely dipped into the high water
table of the former marshland), whereas the economic
species, with the possible exception of certain
vegetables, were likely stored in the drier conditions
of the upper floors. Moreover, they posited that the
cellar may have served to temporarily store spoiled
or overly infested commodities.
Despite the growth of the Lower Town and its
urbanization, the pre-Columbian marshland environment
depicted by Garneau (1997) appears to have
endured the attempts at anthropogenesis into the
18th century. Indeed, Charlevoix (1763) commented
about the marshy terrain in a 1720 observation of
the nearby hospital. After the destruction of the
King’s Stores in 1760, the prevalence of marshland
flora decreases; however, the proximity of the river
is sparsely represented by taxa such as Carex spp.
Bouchard-Perron (2010) reported that contexts associated
with the destruction of the King’s Stores
yielded the charred remains of a couple of economic
species (wheat and peas); however, the majority of
the floral remains indicate the return to an open environment
with disturbed-land taxa, such as grasses
and wildflowers. Although endemic species were
recovered, the majority of the disturbed-land taxa
were European. In addition to the disturbed-land
taxa, plant macrofossils from indigenous tree and
shrub species, such as spruce, hawthorn, and elderberry,
appear in the contexts (cf. Bain et al. 2009).
Pathways and mechanisms for biotic transfer
The post-glacial geographic regions of Québec
and Europe are separated by the Atlantic Ocean. As
such, species dispersal required human agency to
facilitate movement through the sweepstakes route.
Ballasting has been proposed by several authors as a
mechanism of transport (Buckland 1981; Buckland
and Sadler 1990; Buckland et al. 1995; Klimaszewski
et al. 2010; Lindroth 1957, 1963; Sadler 1991).
Lindroth (1957) noted that ship’s ballast commonly
included sand, turf, rubbish, lead, stones, and a
myriad of building materials, resulting in the accidental
transportation of disturbed-land species and
waterside taxa.
Unlike samples from colonial Newfoundland
and Boston (Bain and King 2011, Bain and Prévost
2010), the 17th- and early 18th-century contexts from
Montréal (King 2010b) and Québec City did not
yield convincing evidence to support ballast dumping
as a primary means of biotic transfer. The introduced
disturbed-land species were closely related
to agricultural practices, and several of the weed
species exhibit an association with crop fields or
grazing land.
The evidence for biotic transfer via ballast is associated
with the collection and use of turf and water-
side material. Although the majority of the identified
water-side taxa were indigenous, Cercyon littoralis
was recovered from the shipyard assemblage
and the beachfront Îlot Hunt site. This hydrophilid
is typically confined to sandy, clay-mixed seashores,
where it lives in decaying organic matter, mainly under
seaweed and wrack (Hansen 1987). Whereas the
species is currently categorized as amphi-Atlantic
(living on both sides of the Atlantic ocean), it has
a well-established fossil record for Europe (Roper
1999, Smith et al. 2000) but lacks pre-Columbian
records for North America. While the beetle is likely
introduced, was it imported directly to Québec? It
was found in 17th-century contexts in Newfoundland
(Bain and Prévost 2010), and may have been brought
to Québec City by natural mechanisms. Whitehouse
(2006) has proposed birds and water as possible
agents for the short-distance transportation of taxa
from Norway to Scotland, and Makja et al. (2006)
found that over 50% of the beetle species from owl
nests in Nova Scotia were adventives. The amphi-
Atlantic freshwater gastropod Lymnaea palustris
group and Palaearctic Bithynia tentaculata may
have been similarly introduced, as these snails are
known to use passive transport by birds as a means
of natural dispersal (von Proschwitz 1997). It seems
likely that ships crossing the Atlantic were relieved
of some of their ballast load prior to embarking into
the shallower waters of the St. Lawrence River, thus
accounting for the paucity of associated taxa from
early colonial sites along Québec’s rivers. The presence
of the European ground beetles Amara aenea
and Loricera pilicornis may provide more definitive
evidence of ballast dumping as they prefer the sandy
terrain of waterside environments; however, both
species are also associated with agricultural crops in
cultivated land (Bengtson 1981, den Boer 1977) and
have been recovered archaeologically from inside
buildings and wells that yielded other evidence of
agricultural practices (Greig et al. 2004, Kenward
1979).
The majority of the introduced taxa are associated
with socioeconomic activities. A number of the
plant species provide primary evidence for the importation
of crop species such as wheat, barley, and
peas, which are further supported by the recovery of
the flora’s invertebrate pest species, e.g., Sitophilus
granarius and Bruchus sp. The samples also yielded
a number of taxa making up what Kenward and
Hall (1997) referred to as a stable-manure indicator
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2018 No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
group: grain pests, species often found in hay, house
biota, and foul decomposers. This biotic assemblage
may have been introduced to the New World
accidentally alongside the imported domesticated
animals. Similarly, the large domesticated grazers
may have provided a pathway for the introduction of
meadowland and grassland taxa. Seeds and insects
are capable of passing through dietary tracts intact
(cf. Osborne 1983) and may have been deposited
onto the ships and subsequently in the New World
via the animal cargo. These socioeconomic species,
purposefully or unwittingly introduced, reflect the
cultural heritage of the settlers as agriculturalists,
and may provide environmental archaeological evidence
towards cultural transference as the colonists
arrived in Québec with a settlement package consisting
of domesticates, hence importing their familiar
Old World culture with the intention of plying it in
the unfamiliar environs of New France.
Ecological impact: deforestation, soil erosion,
and biotic extirpation
Both historical descriptions from explorers and
Garneau’s (1997) palaeoecological reconstruction
portray the existence of a forested, wetland environment
along the St. Charles River at the onset of colonization.
Cartier’s (1906b:98) comment regarding
forest thickness informs forest density, suggesting
forest openness. Moreover, if lots 61A41 and 61A30
are viewed as natural, early Columbian contexts or
indications of enduring post-settlement pockets of
forest, the coleopteran (albeit limited) evidence of
large grazing herbivores implies an open-environment
forest (cf. Whitehouse and Smith 2004), and
the scarcity of recovered saproxylic taxa suggests
that the extant forest was not an old-growth wildwood
reminiscent of the European Urwald (Whitehouse
2006), but rather a dynamic environment with
declining woodland similar to the flood-susceptible
environment discussed by Garneau (1997).
By the mid-17th century, deforestation during
settlement construction had resulted in the formation
of a biogeographical melting pot in Québec City’s
gradually urbanizing Lower Town. While indigenous
wood-related taxa were represented in the majority
of the contexts, other woodland species (i.e.,
species associated with the wider forest ecology
and not specifically wood) were lacking, suggesting
that the taxa represent the human exploitation of the
hinterland woodland environments and the importation
of wood to the site as opposed to the continued
presence of natural, forested ecosystems on the site.
The earlier occurrence of deforestation is evidenced
by the emergence of disturbed-land and open-land
taxa. These ecological groups included both indigenous
and foreign taxa, implying that the deforestation
process had permitted the allochthonous biota
to gain a foothold in the New World, but not secure
ecological dominance. The quick re-occupation of
the Lower Town environment by Nearctic species
may have been facilitated by the presence of nearby
meadowlands (for the open-land taxa), as mentioned
by Cartier (Stephens 1890), and the previous, and
seemingly enduring, occupation of the immediate
vicinity by disturbed-land species capable of exploiting
the dynamic floodplain habitats and flood
debris along the riverside. The waterside habitat
continued to be dominated by indigenous taxa into
the early 18th century, and likely reflects the survival
of established natural habitats and microhabitats in
the vicinity that were competitively challenging for
allochthonous organisms to penetrate.
Deforestation is a known agent of soil erosion
in modern times. The roots of the trees anchor the
sediments, which upon the removable of the trees
can be washed away by flowing water (Lal 1996,
Southgate and Whitaker 1992). In a floodplain
environment as inferred for the Lower Town of colonial
Québec, fast-moving water would have been
capable of washing away the nutrient-rich topsoil.
However, slow-moving or stagnant washover from
the river may have continued to deposit organic detritus,
which, while capable of slowly washing away
the top soil, would have also provided a nutrient
supplement. The presence of a floodplain, marshy
environment is evidenced in several of the archaeological
contexts, as is the deposition of flood debris.
While the samples do not provide clear evidence for
soil erosion, the 18th-century contexts do indicate
an increase in the number of sand-related species,
possibly evidencing its occurrence. Alternatively,
the rise in sand-related taxa may be associated with
another known ecological side-effect of landscape
anthropogenesis—sedimentation. However, that is
difficult to discern solely from the available ecofacts
of the present investigation.
The studies reviewed in this evaluation were
insufficient to address questions of biotic extirpation.
Considering the available coleopteran data,
several endemic species present at the pre-Columbian
L’Empêche site were absent in the settlement
samples. Does this evidence biotic extirpation or
simply differences in original faunal composition?
Further studies of the natural environmental conditions
immediately preceding the arrival of the
Europeans need to be undertaken in order to better
establish the original, natural biota of the riverside
region. Whereas certain endemic species may have
been displaced from the immediate vicinity during
the deforestation and subsequent urbanization
2018 Journal of the North Atlantic No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
24
processes, that tenuous possibility alone cannot be
taken as evidence for extirpation, as the species may
have survived in the surrounding landscape.
Conclusions and Future Directions
The last word in ignorance is the man who says of
an animal or plant, “What good is it?” If the land
mechanism as a whole is good, then every part is
good, whether we understand it or not. If the biota,
in the course of aeons, has built something we like
but do not understand, then who but a fool would
discard seemingly useless parts? To keep every
cog and wheel is the first precaution of intelligent
tinkering. (Aldo Leopold 1953)
The establishment of permanent settlements
along Québec’s waterways in the early 17th century
achieved a physical transformation of the landscape
in response to a gradual urbanization of the environment.
The human-induced ecological change is primarily
supported by evidence of deforestation and
the arrival of European species. However, the native
biota was not completely displaced by the arrival of
the colonists or their subsequent activities, and the
environmental archaeological evidence suggests that
it endured in waterside habitats and competed with
the foreign species in open-land and disturbed-land
environments.
Although both an urbanization of the local
environment and the arrival of a European ecocultural
package were observed in the present study,
there was no clear indication that the arrival of
the colonists resulted in the collapse of the local
ecosystem or the establishment of a definitively
Neo-European environment in the Lower Town of
Québec City during the first century and a half of
permanent settlement (sensu Crosby 2004). Rather,
the environmental archaeological evidence from
the artificial, urban environments tells a story of a
community that was shared by species from both
biogeographical eco-zones—depicting an area that
was not completely transformed but, perhaps, was
influenced by the Exchange. Unsurprisingly, European
taxa were prevalent in contexts associated
with interior environments such as the Brewery, the
King’s Stores, and the Latrines. As archaeological
records from Old World contexts demonstrate centuries,
if not millennia, of cohabitation, or at least
association, between the European synanthropes and
humans, the biota would likely have had a competitive
advantage over the indigenous taxa in exploiting
the available microhabitats. However, even in the
interior of the buildings, the Palaearctic species were
not uncontested, and endemics, such as waterside
taxa, were recovered in those contexts.
As the environmental archaeological samples
were collected from within the confines of settlements,
they are unable to speak directly of the
ecological impact of colonialism upon the hinterlands
during the creation of agricultural land and
grazing pastures. The recovery of autochthonous
dry-land flora alongside Palaearctic crop species in
the King’s Stores may indicate that the agricultural
lands, like the open spaces in the urban environment,
were subject to attempted re-colonization
by endemics. The sampling bias towards urban
contexts similarly makes it difficult to ascertain
the impact of the colonization process upon the
surviving pockets or regions of natural land. The
wood-related species recovered from Québec City
evidence the exploitation of forest environments
and the continued association of endemic taxa with
wood, but were the introduced species capable of
expanding their range beyond the confines of the
Europeanized zones to invade and exploit niches
within forested environments?
Crosby (2004) painted a picture of a European biota
that, upon arriving in the New World, would have
initially dominated the newly created urban settings
before advancing into the surrounding natural environments.
The samples procured from the outside
of buildings did not provide evidence of a dominant
Palaearctic presence during the first century and a
half of permanent settlement. A truly Neo-European
ecological environment did not seem to exist early on
in Québec. Moreover, archaeological evidence for the
expansion of the species beyond the confines of the
settlement was not discernible from the analyzed contexts.
Certain taxa, e.g., Brassica sp., are both aggressive
and prolific (Oduor et al . 2011), which may have
enabled them to successfully compete with endemic
species and expand into natural settings by exploiting
corridor, filter, and sweepstake pathways. Species
such as Hyoscyamus niger, while opportunistic, do
not compete well against established communities
(LaFantasie 2008), and their expansion would have
been dependent upon the availability of disturbed
areas. Other species, like the flightless Sitophilus
granarius, would have been restricted to the islands
of human habitat, particularly grain stores, and have
only been capable of dispersing to similar habitats in
other New World settlements through human agency
(King 2010a). Although this study did not support
the formation of a true Neo-Europe (in the sense of
being an ecological mirror of Europe in the fashion
that Crosby proposed for areas such as the Canary
Islands), it does indicate that biological transfer to
southern Québec arose primarily from taxa associated
with socioeconomic activities.
Journal of the North Atlantic
25
2018 No. 34
G. King and T. Muller
Future directions
Future research needs to explore several different
directions. It is imperative to develop our understanding
of the wider context. Are the trends observed in
the settlements unique, or are they also exhibited in
natural settings? As such, further integration of environmental
archaeological and paleontological studies
needs to be pursued. Through marriage of these
disciplines in examining historical date contexts, it
may be possible to glean a better understanding of the
ecological impact of the European arrival. Moreover,
in order to better understand anthropogenic impact,
a foundation for comparison needs to be established.
How does the biotic history of pre- and post-Columbian
indigenous sites compare to that seen in the colonial
settlements? What was the pre-Columbian biota
of the riverside ecosystems?
As the discipline of environmental archaeology,
particularly the sub-field of archaeoentomology,
is still developing in North America, there is presently
a paucity of evidence upon which to draw
comparisons. Further integration of all aspects of
the discipline into archaeological investigations
should continue to be encouraged as the additional
comparative information would enhance our understanding
of landscape transformation and the
human-environmental impact. It would be of interest
to compare the biota from urban, riverside
contexts to urban, non-riverside settings and rural
environments. While finding suitable deposits may
make these exercises challenging, the assessments
will likely foster a clearer understanding of dispersal,
biotic transfer, and ecological impact serving
to further illuminate and advance the story of Québec’s
Europeanization.
Acknowledgments
G. King expresses his gratitude to Allison Bain for the
opportunity to undertake this environmental archaeological
assessment. Funding was provided by the program Bourses
en archéologie, Université Laval/ Ministère de la Culture,
des Communications et de la Condition féminine du Québec
(MCCCFQ), and le Groupe Archéométrie, Université
Laval, Québec. G. King thanks Michael Thomas and Paul
Skelley of the Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer
Services for granting access to their entomological
collection, and Jan Klimaszewski for permitting use of his
collections at the Centre de foresterie des Laurentides.
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Appendix 1. Examples of domesticated plants involved in
the Columbian Exchange (cf. Crosby 1972).
New World to Old World to
Old World New World
Almond Agave
Apple Amaranth
Apricot Arrowroot
Artichoke Avocado
Asparagus Beans (e.g., pinto, lima, etc.)
Aubergine Black Raspberry
Banana Bell Pepper
Barley Blueberry
Beet Canistel
Black pepper Cashew
Broccoli Chia
Brussels sprouts Chicle
Cabbage Chirimova
Cantaloupe Chili peppers
Carrot Cranberries
Cauliflower Coca
Cinnamon Cocoa
Citrus (orange, lemon, etc) Cotton
Clove Courgette
Coffee Custard Apple
Collard greens Guava
Cucumber Huckleberry
Fig Jerusalem Artichoke
Flax Jicama
Garlic Maize
Hazelnut Manioc
Hemp Papaya
Lettuce Passionfruit
Millet Peanut
Nutmeg Pecan
Oats Pineapple
Olive Potato
Onion Pumpkin
Peach Quinoa
Pea Rubber
Pear Sapodilla
Pistachio Squash
Radish Strawberry
Rice Sugar-apple
Rye Sunflower
Soybean Sweet potato
Sugarcane Tobacco
Tea Tomato
Turnip Vanilla
Wheat Wild rice
Walnut Yerba maté
Watermelon Yucca
Wine grape
Yam
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Appendix 2. Domesticated animals involved in the Columbian
Exchange (cf. Crosby 1972).
Old World to New World to
New World Old World
Cat Alpaca
Camel American Mink
Chicken Chinchilla
Cow Guinea pig
Donkey Llama
Ferret Muscovy Duck
Goat Turkey
Goose
Guinea Fowl
Honeybee
Horse
Pig
Rabbit
Rock Pigeon
Silkworm
Water Buffalo
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Appendix 3. Preserved insect and gastropod remains from sites in southern Québec. + signifies introduced to North America,
* signifies Holarctic, ** signifies may or may not be introduced. Sources: Lac à l’Empệche (Lavoie 2001), Îlot Hunt sites
modified from Bain and King (2011) to incorporate new data, and Pointe-à-Callière (King 2010b); all others from this study.
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Appendix 4. Plant macrofossils from archaeological sites in southern Québec. + signifies introduced to North America, *
signifies Holarctic, ** signifies may or may not be introduced. Source for Cartier-Roberval Upper Fort, CeEu4: Bouchard-
Perron and Bain (2009); all other data from this study.
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